Cultural Perspectives on Death and Funerary Rituals (Orthodox Christianity, Hinduism and Judaism)


For this article I have chosen Hindu, Jewish and Slavic heritages and will analyze their rituals pertaining to death focusing on spiritual and cognitive perspectives, support of the bereaved and any gender considerations pertaining to such rituals.

In today’s vast world the cultural understanding of death and associated rituals are probably best described as multicultural because of one’s immediate geographic culture, the influence of one’s own ethnic understanding and the associated array of spiritual diversity that can exist even from individual to individual (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014). It is a challenge in the funerary, medical, chaplaincy and helping professions socially speaking to understand the abundance of death ritual variations that occur not only from culture to culture but from person to person. Cultural biases or assumptions can be a real temptation if one is not aware of the reality of differences between one’s own understanding and that of another’s culture.

Hinduism, as practiced in much of India, does not possess stern dogmatic rules and regulations, but is comprised of varying opinions and decentralized doctrine (Firth, 2005). An underpinning belief is that through death rituals a form of liberation may occur, thus ending the cycle of reincarnation or assisting the departed soul’s to its next destination (Sahoo, 2014).

Rituals performed post death comprise of the close members of the household constructing a bier to place the deceased member on. A form of last rites are performed for the deceased which are called antyesti (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014) in which it is believed the departed is purified. This also can have a calming effect on participants in which they may believe that their loved one is liberated from the baggage of the earthly life. Prior to being placed on the bier or sacred plank, the earthly remains are washed, anointed with various fragrant oils and placed in clean festive clothing (Lobar et al., 2016).

Additionally the body of the deceased is burned no more than 48 hours from the time of death in order to release the soul from the physical body and assist in its transition to the afterlife (Lobar et al., 2016). However, rituals also continue for a ten day period as the deceased loved one is thought to watch over the mourners and finalize its release from the grips of its earthly life.

From a spiritual perspective Hindu rituals are important not only for the deceased but those left behind. Although culturally speaking there are different schools of understanding and their conceptions of death, the concepts of reincarnation, the being of Krishna, an otherworldly post-death existence and karma are all areas that fall into the Hindu worldview (Manohar, 2018).

Psychologically and spiritually the rituals performed aid those who are in the process of bereavement (Manohar, 2018). The burial rites typically would not take place without the gathering of the immediate family, thus allowing them to feel empowered as an active participant in any death rituals as well as chance to actively process their loss (Lobar et al., 2016).

It appears that the loss of the deceased is processed differently among the older population who view the death as a normal part of the process of life, death and reincarnation (Manohar, 2018). In this sense bodily death is deemed inevitably and not necessarily a tragic event unless death was initiated by the deceased via suicide (Sahoo, 2014). If due to geography, state laws and other factors the deceased cannot receive a traditional burial, family members oftentimes keep the ashes of their loved ones and upon returning to their homeland will scatter the remains in bodies of water which are designated as holy (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014).

These corporate rituals emphasize comfort to the grieving, interpersonal relationships with the deceased and among the mourners and a common religious experience (Sahoo, 2014). By corporately participating in belief, myth, ritual and a joint cultural heritage, the friends and family are able cope with their loss (Mohkamsing-den Boer & Zock, 2004).

Pertaining to the rituals there are some gender considerations in Hindu belief. For the initial cleansing of the body of the deceased, mean will wash and anoint the bodies of males and women will wash and anoint females who are deceased (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014). The eldest son is designated to light the funeral pyre or fire which will engulf the body (Wenger et al., 2002) and in some geographic areas in India wives who have lost their husbands are not allowed to participate directly in the funeral rituals (Lobar et al., 2016). Both unmarried men and women do not receive full funeral rites nor do those who have taken their own lives (Sahoo, 2014) even though the bodily remains will still be burned.

Jewish culture sees death as a normal part of one’s life cycle with each day one is alive as a gift (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014). Due to various sects existing among Judaism and various interpretations of Jewish law, variation in rituals is a possibility (Lobar et al., 2016). However, there are consistencies among the various sects which will be covered in this summary.

Rituals pertaining to death actually start before physical death if possible. A prayer can be offered by the person who is dying or a member of the family on their behalf which is called the Viddui. Upon death, the funeral and burial usually typically take place within two days. (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014).

Until the funeral the deceased is watched over by member of the family (Roberson et al., 2018). Before funeral services begin loved ones cut their garments which symbolizes that the deceased loved one has been cut away from them. A rabbi might instead give mourners a piece of black cloth to affix to their garments instead of actually tearing their clothing (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014). When the funeral is completed and burial occurs a seven day period known as Shivah begins in which condolences are offered and mourners praise God and focus on their faith and remembrances of their departed loved one.

The Kaddish period of one year finishes with the installation of a tombstone (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2014). This unveiling on the anniversary of the departed death is referred to as yahrzeit. Any visitors from that time may place a small stone on the grave as an indication that someone who loved and still loves the departed has visited.

These rites are performed because in Judaism it is believed that the body holds the precious soul and should be treated with respect (Lobar et al., 2016). By the act of mourning and continual remembrance of the deceased they affirm their life and memory and the return to their monotheistic conception of God. These traditions form a common bond that unites the bereaved in their faith in such a way that the grieving process becomes a communal experience to deal with loss (Rubin, 2014).

This communal bond allows grievers to face the reality of their loss, preserve the memory of their loved one, call upon social support from the community and to reflect on conceptions of the Divine (Rubin, 2014). In Jewish theology God is not only the Creator, but Caretaker and the Designer of a mysterious plan that incorporates man. Jews respect the nature of death as a piece of the puzzle of eternity. Having the support of family and friends allows those who mourn to ponder this great mystery while maintaining a life-long bond to the departed with the support of the community (Lobar et al., 2016). This process of grieving for members of the Jewish community involves emotions, cognitive understandings and psychological processes in which cultural customs and ritual promote connections among those left behind that promote grieving support through both conscious and unconscious bonds (Rubin, 2014).

In regards to gender considerations the washing and subsequent dressing of the body is typically performed by the same gender of those who have reposed. In most Jewish sects the funeral and burial process remain the same for male and female (Lobar et al., 2016). However, men would also be dressed in a tallit or prayer stole for their burial (Rubin, 2014).

In Slavic culture Orthodox Christianity primarily influences rituals in relation to death (Bouchard, 2004). Upon the approach of death, or directly after, a priest is summoned by the family to read prayers for the departure of the soul. After completion of the prayers the body of the deceased is washed and dressed typically in white as symbol of their baptismal garment. A short service of supplication known as a panikhida is performed (Vlachos & Williams, 1994) so that those who have reposed can start their journey.

If possible the departed will not be embalmed for the funerary rites (Vlachos & Williams, 1994). A headband sometimes referred to as a crown is placed on the deceased’s head to symbolize a crown of glory (Warner, 2000) as well as a cross which is placed in the hands of the departed. A burial shroud is also placed in the coffin and will be placed over the body before burial or entombment.

The funeral is held as soon as possible often within forty eight hours after death (Bouchard, 2004). It is a service filled with psalms of hope, prayers of a penitent character and supplications for the departed who can no longer petition God themselves. During the funeral a hymn of penance a kiss of peace is offered in which anyone can approach the open coffin and give their last respects to the departed (Warner, 2000). A short graveside service follows with interment. Loved ones may also participate in the burial by putting dirt on the coffin as it is lowered,

Additionally, panikhidas are celebrated on the third, ninth and fortieth days after repose (Vlachos & Williams, 1994). A Divine Liturgy and panikhida is also celebrated on the one year anniversary of the repose. Typically the departed will be placed in the perpetual memory book which the priest uses to remember the departed at each Divine Liturgy that is served in the reposed person’s parish. Loved ones may also submit the name of the departed to other churches and monasteries so their loved one will be prayed for continually each time the liturgy is served (Warner, 2000).

Spiritually and cognitively these rituals instill a sense of hope that the bond of death is
broken and in the future the reposed will be restored in glory (Warner, 2000). In Orthodoxy it is believed that in death itself humanity is united to the person of Christ (Kiejzik, 2010) who conquered death and the ultimate hope of restoration at the culmination of time. By active participation in funeral rites and continual personal and communal prayer, it is believed that one can assist their departed loved ones who can no longer pray for themselves (Vlachos & Williams, 1994). By prayer, almsgiving and works of charity it is believed that the departed will benefit from these offerings of love and remembrance in the spiritual realm of hades or sheol where the deceased has a foretaste of heaven or hell which they have self-inflicted upon themselves by how they conducted their lives (Bouchard, 2004).

The bereaved may be comforted by the belief that they can actually affect the state of their loved one across the veil of death by their prayers (Bouchard, 2004). It is in this mystery that the reposed are never really forgotten (Vlachos & Williams, 1994) and are still a part of one’s life despite the lack of a visible body. Through intercession of the living it is believed that the state of the deceased can be changed from a foretaste of darkness to the light of Christ.

There are no real considerations in regards to gender in the Orthodox faith as funeral rites and perpetual commemorations are conducted exactly the same for any sex (Warner, 2000).

Some noticeable similarities that exist between Hinduism, Orthodox Slavic culture and Judaism is that the body is considered sacred and is not left alone after death. All wash the body, and dress it accordingly with each respective sex performing the washing and dressing.  

The conception of God varies in these traditions with Judaism embracing monotheism, Orthodoxy embracing monotheism, but with the Triune concept of Divinity (Father, Son and Holy Spirit) and Hinduism typically embracing a version of Krishna which may vary in understanding.

The state of the departed also varies in accordance with spiritual belief. Orthodox Slavic culture views the afterlife as the soul existing in hades or sheol where it waits for a final judgement where it will then enter the kingdom of light or the kingdom of darkness. Jewish culture typically embraces a conception heaven with Hinduism embracing the concept of reincarnation which is rejected in Orthodox Christianity. One stark difference is cremation. In Orthodox Christianity cremation is not allowed, its usage is rare in Judaism, but is the primary practice in Hinduism.

Mortality is a reality that all people face regardless of culture. Historically, culture has always actively attempted to displace the reality of death-anxieties with preoccupations in the lifespan that focus on the acceptance of death or as a transitional phase (Higo, 2012). However, when death becomes a stark reality societies and the cultures must actively deal with such loss in ways that promote bereavement. As a result we have endless ritual and understanding to cope with death and loss.

It is probably most evident in western culture that much of the ritual we see and the beliefs that man has are influenced by a host of sources (Higo, 2012). Interracial, intercultural and interfaith marriages, as well as the influence of secular understanding and endless spiritual resources, make the experience of death and bereavement unique. The possibility of blending different beliefs becomes entirely possible in an ever changing world.

References

Bouchard, M. (2004). Graveyards: Russian ritual and belief pertaining to the dead. Religion34(4), 345–362

DeSpelder, L. A., & Strickland, A. L. (2014). The last dance: Encountering death and dying (10th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. 

Firth, S. (2005). End-of-life: a Hindu view. Lancet366(9486), 682–686.

Higo, M. (2012). Surviving death-anxieties in liquid modern times: examining Zygmunt Bauman’s cultural theory of death and dying. Omega65(3), 221–238

Kiejzik, L. (2010). Sergei Bulgakov’s sophiology of death. Studies in East European Thought62(1), 55–62.

Lobar SL, Youngblut JM, & Brooten D. (2006). Cross-cultural beliefs, ceremonies, and rituals surrounding death of a loved one. Pediatric Nursing32(1), 44–50.

Manohar Dhadphale. (2018). The living will, cultural aspects of death, and mourning rituals. Annals of Indian Psychiatry1, 47.

Mohkamsing-den Boer, E., & Zock, H. (2004). Dreams of passage:: An object-relational perspective on a case of a Hindu death ritual. Religion34(1), 1–14.

Roberson, K., Smith, T., & Davidson, W. (2018). Understanding Death Rituals. International Journal of Childbirth Education33(3), 22–24.

Rubin, S. S. (2014). Loss and Mourning in the Jewish Tradition. Omega: Journal of Death & Dying70(1), 79–98.

SAHOO, K. (2014). Rituals of death in Odisha: Hindu religious beliefs and socio-cultural practices. International Journal of Language Studies8(4), 29.

Vlachos, H., & Williams, E. (1994). Orthodox psychotherapy: (the science of the fathers). Levadia [Levadhia, Greece: Birth of the Theotokos Monastery.

Warner, E. A. (2000). Russian peasant beliefs and practices concerning death and the supernatural collected in Novosokolʹniki Region, Pskov Province, Russia, 1995. Part II: Death in natural circumstances. Folklore111(2), 255–281.

Wenger, G., Burholt, V., Dave, P., & Mallya, I. (2002). Funeral practices of Gujarati Hindus in Birmingham (UK) and India. The Gerontologist, 42.


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